‘Go ahead.’
‘We must confront the fact that North Korea today has not one government but two.’
Huang bristled at the idea of treating the rebels as if they were a government, but Chen nodded.
Kai went on: ‘The Supreme Leader, nominally our ally, is no longer co-operating with us and has created a crisis we didn’t seek. The rebels control half the country and all the nuclear weapons. We must consider what relationship we want with the ultras in Yeongjeo-dong who have become – whether we like it or not – the alternative government.’
Huang was indignant. ‘Rebellion against the Communist Party must never be seen to succeed,’ he said. ‘And, in any case, how could we talk to these people? We don’t know who their leaders are or how to get in touch with them.’
Kai said: ‘I know who they are and I can contact them.’
‘How is that possible?’
Kai deliberately looked around the room at the aides in attendance. ‘General, you are of course entitled to receive information of the highest secrecy, but forgive me if I hesitate to name highly sensitive sources of information.’
Huang realized he was in the wrong and backed down. ‘Yes, yes, forget I asked that question.’
President Chen said: ‘All right, so we can talk to the ultras. Next question: What do we want to say?’
Kai had a very clear idea, but he did not want this meeting to set an agenda that would tie him down, so he said: ‘The discussion would have to be exploratory.’
But Wu Bai was shrewd enough to know what Kai was up to, and did not want to give him a free hand. ‘We can do better than that,’ he said. ‘We know what we want: a complete and unconditional end to hostilities. And we can guess what the ultras want: some large part in any new government of North Korea.’
Kai said: ‘And my task will be to find out exactly what they will demand in exchange for ending their rebellion.’ But he already knew he was going to go farther than just finding out.
Huang repeated his previous objection. ‘We should not empower people who have defied the Party.’
‘Thank you for pointing that out, general,’ said Wu. He turned to the rest of the group. ‘I believe Comrade Huang’s statement is completely correct.’ Huang looked mollified, but Wu did not really agree with him at all. ‘We cannot assume these ultras are trustworthy,’ Wu went on, making a different point. ‘No agreement with them is possible without clear safeguards.’
Huang, oblivious to the subtleties, nodded in vigorous agreement. Wu’s charm, denigrated as superficial by hardliners, was actually a deadly tactic, Kai reflected. Wu had neutralized Huang, and Huang had not noticed.
Chen said: ‘This is a good plan but not a quick fix. What can we do today, now, to cool the situation?’
Kong Zhao had a suggestion. ‘Call for a ceasefire by both sides, and at the same time pressure Pyongyang to cease fire unilaterally.’
Chen said: ‘Do they even have any missiles left?’
Kai answered. ‘A handful, hidden under bridges and in tunnels.’
Chen nodded thoughtfully. ‘All the same, they will think that a unilateral ceasefire is not much different from an admission of defeat.’
Kong Zhao said: ‘We could give it a try.’
‘I agree. Now, how should we word our demand?’
Kai tuned out. This would be a long discussion. The important business of the meeting was done, but now everyone would contribute something of minor significance. He controlled his impatience with an effort, and began to plan his meeting with the ultras.
He had to communicate with the rebel leader, not with General Ham. He composed a message on his phone:
For the attention of General Pak Jae-jin
SECRET
A very senior emissary of the People’s Republic of China wishes to visit you today. He will be alone except for the helicopter pilot, and both men will be unarmed. His mission is of the utmost importance to Korea and China.
Please acknowledge receipt of this message and indicate your willingness to meet with this representative.
From the Ministry of State Security