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‘So long as they understand that our intentions are strictly limited. We have no wish to take over the government of North Korea.’
That was important, if true. ‘I’ll pass the message on.’ Kai’s phone was showing a call waiting. That was probably his office to tell him the first missiles had hit. But he needed something more from Neil. ‘We noticed that President Green did not say she was attacking North Korea, but repeatedly referred to the Pyongyang regime. Does that mean you’re not bombing rebel military bases?’
‘The president will not attack people who have never harmed Americans.’
That was a reassurance wrapped around a threat. The rebels were safe only as long as they stayed neutral. They would become targets if they attacked Americans. ‘Clear enough,’ said Kai. ‘I have another call. Stay in touch.’ Without waiting for a reply, he broke the contact and picked up the waiting call.
It was Jin Chin-hwa. ‘The first missiles have struck North Korea,’ he said.
‘Where?’
‘Several places simultaneously: Chunghwa, headquarters of the North Korean air force outside of Pyongyang; the naval base at Haeju; a Kang family residence—’
Kai had been picturing a map of North Korea in his head, and now he interrupted Jin to say, ‘All targets in the west of the country, away from the rebel zone.’
‘Yes.’
That confirmed what Neil had said.
Kai’s car was passing through the usual elaborate security at the Gate of the New China. He said: ‘Thank you, Jin,’ and hung up.
Monk parked in a row of limousines outside the Hall of Cherished Compassion, the building where the important political committees met. In common with most buildings within the Zhongnanhai compound, it was designed in traditional style, with curved roof lines. It had a massive auditorium for ceremonial meetings, but the Foreign Affairs Commission met in a conference room.
Kai got out and inhaled the fresh breeze coming across the lake. This was one of the few places in Beijing where the air was not noxious. He took a few seconds to breathe deeply and oxygenate his bloodstream. Then he went inside.
President Chen was already there. To Kai’s surprise he wore a suit with no tie and he had not shaved. Kai had never before seen him look scruffy: he must have been up half the night. He was deep in conversation with Kai’s father, Chang Jianjun. Of the hawks, Huang Ling and Fu Chuyu were present, and Kong Zhao represented the doves. The uncommitted middle-of-the-roaders were represented by Foreign Minister Wu Bai and President Chen himself. All looked intensely worried.
Chen told everyone to sit and called on Jianjun for an update. Jianjun reported that North Korean anti-missile defences had not worked well, partly because of an American cyberattack on their launchers, and it was likely the assault would achieve exactly what President Green intended, namely the complete destruction of the Pyongyang regime. ‘I need hardly remind comrades,’ he said, ‘that the 1961 treaty between China and North Korea obliges us to come to the aid of North Korea when it is attacked.’
President Chen added: ‘It is of course theonlydefence treaty that China has with any nation. If we do not honour it, we will be humbled before the world.’
Fu Chuyu, Kai’s boss, summarized the intelligence from Kai’s division. Kai then trumped him by adding what he had learned from Neil Davidson in the last few minutes: that the Americans were not planning to take control of the North Korean government.
Fu rewarded Kai with a glare of hatred.
General Huang said: ‘Let us imagine a situation that mirrors this. Suppose that Mexico had attacked Cuba with chemical weapons, killing hundreds of Russian advisors; and in response the Russians launched a massive air attack designed to wipe out the Mexican government and military. Would the Americans defend Mexico? Is there even the shadow of a doubt? Of course they would!’
Kong Zhao said simply: ‘But how?’
Huang was taken aback. ‘What do you mean, how?’
‘Would they bomb Moscow?’
‘They would consider their options.’
‘Exactly. In the situation you have imagined, comrade, the Americans would face the same dilemma we have now. Should you start World War Three because of an attack on a second-rank neighbouring country?’
Huang let his frustration show. ‘Every time it is suggested that the government of China should take firm action, someone says it might start World War Three.’
‘Because the danger is always there.’
‘We can’t let that paralyse us.’
‘But we can’t ignore it either.’
President Chen intervened. ‘You are both right, of course,’ he said. ‘What I need from you today is a plan to deal with the American attack on North Korea without escalating the crisis to a higher level.’
Kai said: ‘If I may, Mr President –’
